Moreover, period, fare many more have become poor. A

Moreover, by 1989 there was the feminization of
poverty due to increase in poverty among women even in the rich countries.
Ironically also, while some women increased in their position during the same
period, fare many more have become poor. 
A growing phenomenon in particular was poverty affiliated to families in
which women were the sole earners. By the same period, maternal and infant
mortality had been observed for the first time in decades because part of the
adjustment packages was the cut of social services. Women had to find a means
for their families to survive and they achieved this y working longer hours(Byerle et al., 2010).

Export-oriented models of growth in many areas of
industry and agriculture contributed to the rising labor force participation of
women, as discussed in the 1999 World Survey. Yet gender-based discrimination
and segregation in labor markets, as well as the weak regulation of those
markets, have served to confine women to jobs that are low-paid and of poor
quality in terms of working conditions and access to social protection. They
reinforce the status of women as secondary earners within their households
(Chen and others, 2005). Additionally, markets can continue to function as they
do because of their reliance on the unpaid work mainly done by women that is
allocated to caring for children, the sick and the elderly and the domestic
work that sustains households and communities (UNRISD, 2010). Economic growth
could not take place without this unpaid and often invisible work.

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The entry of women was only passive rather than
active, clients rather than agents, rather than contributors, recipients
reproductive rather than productive. Against this background, in the 70s a
string care was made for women’s productive roles to challenge the orthodoxy of
women domesticity. Despite women’s critical role in, farming systems the
planners had continually operated with the stereotyped assumptions about female
domesticity (Boserup, 1970). The critique was further advocated by WID and
scholars there after that advocated a shift from welfare to equality for women
in the development process. The role of women as economic productive agents
whose potential had been undermined by welfare approaches was highly advocated
for(Rai, 2011). Production is
supposed to not just be for the market in order to make profit but the end goal
should be improvement of human well-being.

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) nutrition
section is operated mainly by women who have highlighted women’s role in food
production especially in Africa. They ensured that the World food conference
was organized in 1974 recognizing women’s role in different phases of the food
chain in addition to their part in family food provision and nutrition (Kabeer, 1994). Secondly women
have a special development role when it comes to population. There was an
assumption earlier in the fifties by economic scholars that high population
inhibited a country’s development capacity leading to by way of investment of
surplus in welfare and consumption instead of being invested in productive
capital formation. Family planning efforts were therefore encouraged but
despite this the birthrates did not go own in the developing countries. The
role and status of women is considered as a critical variable influencing
fertility decisions (Jackson 1977 , Kabeer  1994).

1.1.1       
Women empowerment

Empowerment is
the main tool on the part of the disempowered, through which existing power
relations can be renegotiated. Empowerment is the processes through which women
gain the capacity for exercising strategic forms of agency in relation to their
own lives and in relation to the larger structures of constraint that position
them as subordinate to men. Empowerment is explored through agency which is the
ability to define goals and work upon them, resources which are the means which
enhance the ability to exercise choice and achievements which are the outcomes
of the exercise of agency (Kabeer, 1999). Empowerment is not something which
can be handed over but it must be claimed (Kabeer, 1994). The process of
transformation and empowerment begins from within and is rooted in how people
see themselves.

Women’s allies and
grassroots organizations play a crucial role in spurring women’s collective
action. They can help women challenge the way institutions
relate to each other, create space
for women to politicize their demands, push for policies which redistribute
power rather than simply resources and exert pressure on public institutions to
be more responsive to women’s needs. They are likely to be much closer to
realities on the ground than official development agencies and thus more able
to tailor strategies to fit local needs. Kabeer notes that collective struggles
for representation, redistribution and recognition have historically proved
more effective in challenging the structures of oppression than individual
action (Kabeer, 1994: 229; Kabeer, 2008: 27).  Participation
in elected office is a key aspect of women’s and minorities’ opportunities in
political and public life, and is therefore linked to their empowerment. Their
presence in decision-making bodies alters dynamics and can help bring to light
women’s and minorities’ concerns (UN, 1999).

An
example of empowerment is in finance and provision of credit to women led
enterprises ensures economic empowerment. In Kenya, the Women Enterprise Fund
(WEF) intends to train 8,000 women in entrepreneurship and lend money to 97,000
women countrywide. A considerable part of its capital resources has been made
available to quali?ed financial institutions to develop and market special loan
products to individual clients while the remaining part is channeled in the
form of wholesale loans to Women groups affiliated to the ministry through its
district offices. A special Limit within the ministry was formed to manage the
Fund, 

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